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Last week, the White
House released a new framework for cybersecurity, aiming to keep American
businesses from losing intellectual property to industrial spies and hackers.
This has been a theme within this administration, as just months ago, former head
of the NSA and US Cyber Command General Keith Alexander, dubbed cybercrime
against American businesses the "greatest transfer of wealth in history."
Yet if we learned from America's own past efforts at spying on industrial
technology, we might focus our energies in protecting America's edge in science
and technology on a very different political issue: immigration reform.
Another attempt at the
"greatest attempt at technology transfer in history" took place just
after World War II, when the United States, United Kingdom, France, and the
Soviet Union sent teams of investigators to scour occupied Germany for trade
secrets, scientific advances, patents, and documents of all kinds. These teams
of scientists and engineers from every industry copied blueprints, interviewed technicians,
microfilmed patent applications, and seized prototypes – all the kinds of
written information a Chinese or Russian hacker might hope to get from a
company's file server today. With the full power of the military government behind
them, full access to all kinds of records, and several years to operate, surely
there could be no circumstances better suited to stealing technologies. Despite
all that, the actual gains from these investigations were far less than the
planners in Washington, London, Paris and Moscow hoped and anticipated, and far
less than Germans at the time feared.
The trick is that
technology doesn't live just in documents, data, and blueprints, and it can
rarely be transferred from one context to another using just those tools.
Technologies live in societies, and in the people in those societies – those
people with what's often called 'know-how' or 'tacit knowledge.' One British
policymaker remarked on the key lessons learned from years of efforts in
Germany: "In practice...no amount of 'given' information can ever be a substitute
for the information obtained in the hard school of practical experience."
One of the problems faced by US agents hunting for secrets was "these
engineers come out of Germany full of things they want to report but have a
great deal of difficulty expressing it in words. We may have to send a skilled
copy man from an advertising agency to London in order to turn their reports
into clear, explicit English." Whether that day's Don Draper could do the
job or not, the problem was that some knowledge – even about technical things
like chemical processes, building efficient machine tools, and medical
techniques to save lives – is just very difficult to put into words.
If America is serious
about maintaining its technological edge – and considering that high technology
products and intellectual property are some of our top exports, we certainly
ought to be – then keeping talented people in America, and recruiting talent
from abroad, is every bit as important to national interest as keeping foreign
hackers out. The lowest hanging fruit there is raising the cap in H1B visas,
which go to foreign workers who American businesses want when they cannot find
anyone at home to do the job, but this is just one part of immigration reform
that is urgently needed. America is home to many of the world's best
universities, attracting thousands of the very brightest minds from around the
world, many of whom want to stay and build businesses and innovate right here –
right up until we kick them out, at which point they leave to found competition
and create jobs elsewhere in an ever-more-global economy. Meanwhile, government
budget cuts via sequestration are putting such a squeeze on US science that
many of our citizen scientists, too, are looking overseas for opportunities.
Indeed, the postwar
investigators succeeded most famously when people were the targets rather than
documents: for example, the famous case of the German rocket scientist Wernher
von Braun, one of the leading minds behind NASA's early successes. Keeping
innovators in America and protecting our computers from foreign invasion are
not mutually exclusive goals, of course. But if America wants to invent and
innovate its way to a stronger economy, the greatest defense against
technologies and jobs flowing overseas isn't in the NSA or the DOD. It's in our
universities and (God help us all) in Congress' ability to craft long-term
immigration policies that help keep technological 'know-how' at the service of
American business.
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